- Provincial Government of Sindh and Pakistan
Rangers (Sindh): A Frayed Relation falling prey to a continuous Trust Deficit?
- Under the Banner
- Failed Turkish Coup and Civil-Military Relations
in Pakistan
- COAS calls upon Egyptian Dictator-turned-President
Mr. Fattah el-Sisi
- In Pictures: Civil-Military Relations in Pakistan
- Meeting of the National Security Committee
- Premier-COAS Interactions
Government of Sindh and Pakistan Rangers (Sindh): A Frayed relationship falling
prey to a continuous Trust Deficit?
Amidst a change of leadership in the Provincial
Government of Sindh, the month of July 2016 was again marked by the continuing
trust deficit that has come to beset an increasingly frayed relation between
the Sindh Government and the Pakistan Rangers (Sindh). Every single time the
matter of Pakistan Rangers’ (Sindh) extension in Sindh rears itself, it falls
prey to some form of friction between the Federal Government, the Provincial
Government and the paramilitary force.
The Rangers’ Special Policing Powers1 for the Karachi Division were last notified by the Federal Ministry of
Interior on May 09, 2016 for 77 days, a period which ended on July 19, 2016.2 On the other hand, the Rangers’ deployment in Sindh was last notified
by the Federal Ministry for Interior,3 on July 30, 2015 for a period of one year, which expired on June 31, 2016.
However, the Provincial Government of Sindh
delayed requesting the Federal Government for an extension in the deployment
and special policing powers of the Rangers yet again. Given that the final notification
was issued by the Federal Ministry of Interior extending the special policing
powers of the Rangers for a period of 90 days in Karachi, and with regards to
their deployment in Sindh for one whole year on August 03, 2016, with effect
from July 20, 2016, the Rangers were de-facto operating without a legal cover
for approximately two weeks.
We believe that the dynamics of the Karachi
Operation, and the recurrent friction that is observed can practically be reduced
to two major considerations: The Provincial Government of Sindh apparently believes
that the Pakistan Rangers (Sindh) is effectively acting as an entity independent
of the Provincial Government, often in violation of the constitutional and legal
dictates, although it has been requisitioned in aid of civil power under Article
147 of the Constitution.4 The Pakistan Rangers (Sindh) on the other hand apparently believe that
there persists a strong nexus between the political, criminal and terrorist
activities, particularly in Karachi, and generally in Sindh, which has led to
the precarious law and order situation. A cursory analysis makes obvious that
there is some weight behind both these considerations, which mutually contribute
to the crippling trust deficit.
Although the Provincial Government seemed to
be on board with the Operation launched in September 2013 by the PML-N led Federal
Government, it chose to draw the proverbial line in the sand with the raid by
the Rangers on the Sindh Building Control Authority (SBCA) and the Lines Area
Development Project (LADP) in June 2015, iterating that the paramilitary force
had started ‘to act beyond its authority and mandate’.5 Subsequently, the arrests of senior PPP leaders such as Dr. Asim Hussain
further increased the atmosphere of distrust.
The controversy surrounding the arrest of Mr.
Muhammad Ali (more popularly known as Asad Kharal), a senior PPP-worker from
Larkana perfectly underscores the latent friction persisting between the two,
almost erupting to open confrontation in this case.6 Amidst allegations
of the suspect being the ‘front-man’ of the Provincial
Home Minister, Mr. Suhail Anwar Sial, MPA, along with being a ‘ghost
employee’ in the municipal administration of Larkana,7
the arrest clearly sent the PPP leadership in Sindh in a frenzy, with the then
Chief Minister of Sindh, Syed Qaim Ali Shah, MPA, meeting the Corp V Commander,
Lt. Gen. Naveed Mukhtar, on July 23, 2016 to resolve the issue. The latter apparently
assured the Chief Minister that the Rangers will not take action against any
Government official, department or conduct targeted operations in rural Sindh
without the Chief Minister’s permission.8 This has been a recurrent
demand of the PPP leadership in Sindh, also reflected in the resolution passed
by the Provincial Assembly of Sindh on December 16, 2015.9
The former Chief Minister of Sindh, Syed Qaim Ali Shah, MPA meeting
with the Corp V Commander, Lt. Gen. Naveed Mukhtar on July 23, 2016
However, the underlying issue seems to be that
the Pakistan Rangers (Sindh) have apparently extended their operations to other
parts of Sindh too, whereas their special policing powers are only for Karachi.10 In fact, this also emanated as an official demand on part of the Director
General of the Pakistan Rangers (Sindh) Maj. Gen. Bilal Akbar, who stated that
‘peace is not possible without an action in other cities of Sindh…
we are considering it as per the law’.11 However, the PPP leadership has desisted from accepting this demand, as
reflected in the notification issued on August 03, 2016, maintaining that there
is no need to extend the special policing powers to the rest of the province,
since the Rangers are free to carry out raids, however, in accompaniment of
the police.
Given that friction between the Rangers and
the Provincial Government of Sindh persists, and has often spilled out into
the media, is there any consultation and dispute resolution taking place at
all in the Apex Committee of Sindh?
The Federal Government, instead of playing a
mediatory role, is resorting to confrontational politics through the Ministry
of Interior which seems to have further antagonized the Provincial Government
of Sindh. The result is a never-ending media circus with all the stakeholders,
including the Provincial Government, the Federal Government and the Rangers,
communicating and advocating their viewpoint through the media, rather than
through official channels, making the critical Karachi Operation even more hostage
to turf wars than a consensus on its effectiveness.
the Banner
Under any established system, a public official’s
term extension to a post would not even be conceived as a plausible option,
let alone become a public issue. It should not even be an issue in Pakistan
where, other than those Generals usurping power, only the former COAS Gen. Ashfaq
Pervez Kiyani, got a term extension by the PPP Government in July 2010, extending
his term from 2007-2009. The matter, as bizarre as it appears as to why it had
come up in the first place, should have even rested when the COAS was quoted
as saying that he did not believe in extension and “will retire on the
due date.” 12
Despite all, it was apparently a worth banner-splashing
issue, at least in the views of the little known political party or group called
Move On Pakistan as it put up banners across 13 major cities of Pakistan
on July 10, 2016, stating ‘Janay ki batain hui purani…. Khuda
kay liay, ab ajao!’ (Translation: The chatter regarding going is
old now-For God’s sake, please come now!).
The party had catapulted into national fame,
or notoriety, when it put up a series of banners across Islamabad stating that
‘Khuda kay liay…. Janay ki batain janay do!’ (Translation:
For God’s sake-Don’t talk about going) following the COAS’
public announcement that speculations about an extension in his service are
baseless.
Banners put up by the political party called Move On Pakistan
across 13 major cities of Pakistan on July 10, 2016, stating ‘Janay ki batain
hui purani…. Khuda kay liay, ab ajao!’ (Translation: The chatter regarding going
is old now-For God’s sake, please come now!).
The party has maintained that the goal of their
campaign was to suggest to the Army Chief that ‘after imposing martial
law a government of technocrats should be made in Pakistan and Gen. Raheel Sharif
should himself supervise it’.13
The development, which set off a media storm
across Pakistan, did not fail to catch the eye of the political parties as well.
For example, Mr. Aitzaz Ahsan of the PPP maintained that the PML-N Federal Government
itself had orchestrated the move in order to possibly convey to the masses that
there was some threat to Pakistan’s democracy, in light of planned protests
by the opposition parties regarding Panama Leaks. The Federal Minister for Information,
Senator Pervez Rashid, on the other hand maintained that any talk about an extension
in tenure of the Army Chief General Raheel Sharif ‘amounted to undermining
operation Zarb-e-Azb…. There is still time for the Army Chief to complete
his tenure, and it is not appropriate to talk on this issue’.14 The DG ISPR, Lt. Gen. Asim Saleem Bajwa, also issued a tweet on July 12,
2016 stating that ‘Reference Posters with #COAS
pic being displayed across various cities; Army or any affiliated organization
have nothing to do with it’.15
Term extensions are essentially a bad trend.
These do not just run contrary to an established system, but also convey to
the outside world that the institution and its systems are unable to continue
to perform effectively without certain individuals, thus demoralizing the very
institution. Pakistan Army, as indeed other Military Institutes, is well-known
and nationally and internationally admired and credited for well-functioning
and effective system displaying continued excellence and internal discipline.
Therefore, come November, the Prime Minister, as per the Constitution, should
appoint a new Chief of Army Staff, and as expected of his office, should do
so on strictly objective considerations.
Turkish Coup and Civil-Military Relations in Pakistan
A man in Istanbul lies down in front of a tank being commanded
by the section of the Turkish Armed Forces, which had instituted the failed
coup attempt on July 15, 2016 in Turkey. Many such acts of bravery have come
to mark the Turkish people’s resistance to the coup attempt.
Much is known by now of the failed coup
d’état attempt of July 15 in Turkey against the AKP-led
Government. That the attempt was carried out by a faction within the Turkish
Armed Forces, and not of the entire Military, led to, in part, and gratefully
for that, its failure. But most heroic, exemplary and most auspicious for a
democratic Turkey has been the power of the people in Turkey that stopped the
onslaught of the coup by their struggle in the streets of Turkey against it
which also resulted in the loss of over 300 precious lives.
The failed coup makers had cited an erosion
of secularism, the elimination of democratic rule, a disregard for human
rights, and Turkey’s loss of credibility in the international arena as reasons
for the coup.16
President Erdogan and the Turkish Government
have accused the coup leaders of being linked to the Gülen
movement—a group now designated as a terrorist organization by the
Turkish Government. The AKP-led Government has also subsequently asked the United
States to extradite Mr. Muhammed Fethullah Gülen, 75, to
Turkey, although Mr. Gülen has denied all charges of being involved
with the coup attempt.
The failed attempt had several consequences
domestically. Other than the loss of life, more than 2,100 were injured. Many
government buildings, including the Turkish Parliament and the Presidential
Palace, were damaged. Mass arrests followed, with at least 6,000 detained, including
at least 2,839 soldiers and 2,745 judges. 15,000 education staff was also suspended
and the licenses of 21,000 teachers working at private institutions were revoked
as well after the Government alleged they were loyal to Mr. Gulen. Since July
22, 2016, Emergency has been imposed in Turkey with the approval of the Turkish
Parliament, after which the Cabinet will have the power to issue decrees that
have the force of law.17
In the aftermath of the coup attempt, Turkey
has seen that as the resistance against the coup was unprecedented, so has been
the massive purge undertaken by President Erdogan subsequently.
Even though everyone has denounced the coup
attempt, many have blamed Mr. Erdogan for his increasingly autocratic style
and policies. Heavy-handed dealing with opposition and protesters and curbs
on Turkish traditional and social media are cited as key examples in this regard.
The AKP-led Government has also recently introduced religion as a compulsory
subject in educational institutions, changin