Monitor on Civil-Military Relations in Pakistan | July 2016

Government of Sindh, the month of July 2016 was again marked by the continuing

trust deficit that has come to beset an increasingly frayed relation between

the Sindh Government and the Pakistan Rangers (Sindh). Every single time the

matter of Pakistan Rangers’ (Sindh) extension in Sindh rears itself, it falls

prey to some form of friction between the Federal Government, the Provincial

Interior on May 09, 2016 for 77 days, a period which ended on July 19, 2016.² On the other hand, the Rangers’ deployment in Sindh was last notified

by the Federal Ministry for Interior,³ on July 30, 2015 for a period of one year, which expired on June 31, 2016.

delayed requesting the Federal Government for an extension in the deployment

and special policing powers of the Rangers yet again. Given that the final notification

was issued by the Federal Ministry of Interior extending the special policing

powers of the Rangers for a period of 90 days in Karachi, and with regards to

their deployment in Sindh for one whole year on August 03, 2016, with effect

from July 20, 2016, the Rangers were de-facto operating without a legal cover

Operation, and the recurrent friction that is observed can practically be reduced

to two major considerations: The Provincial Government of Sindh apparently believes

that the Pakistan Rangers (Sindh) is effectively acting as an entity independent

of the Provincial Government, often in violation of the constitutional and legal

dictates, although it has been requisitioned in aid of civil power under Article

147 of the Constitution.⁴ The Pakistan Rangers (Sindh) on the other hand apparently believe that

there persists a strong nexus between the political, criminal and terrorist

activities, particularly in Karachi, and generally in Sindh, which has led to

the precarious law and order situation. A cursory analysis makes obvious that

there is some weight behind both these considerations, which mutually contribute

be on board with the Operation launched in September 2013 by the PML-N led Federal

Government, it chose to draw the proverbial line in the sand with the raid by

the Rangers on the Sindh Building Control Authority (SBCA) and the Lines Area

Development Project (LADP) in June 2015, iterating that the paramilitary force

had started ‘to act beyond its authority and mandate’.⁵ Subsequently, the arrests of senior PPP leaders such as Dr. Asim Hussain

Muhammad Ali (more popularly known as Asad Kharal), a senior PPP-worker from

Larkana perfectly underscores the latent friction persisting between the two,

almost erupting to open confrontation in this case.⁶ Amidst allegations

of the suspect being the ‘front-man’ of the Provincial

Home Minister, Mr. Suhail Anwar Sial, MPA, along with being a ‘ghost

employee’ in the municipal administration of Larkana,⁷

the arrest clearly sent the PPP leadership in Sindh in a frenzy, with the then

Chief Minister of Sindh, Syed Qaim Ali Shah, MPA, meeting the Corp V Commander,

Lt. Gen. Naveed Mukhtar, on July 23, 2016 to resolve the issue. The latter apparently

assured the Chief Minister that the Rangers will not take action against any

Government official, department or conduct targeted operations in rural Sindh

without the Chief Minister’s permission.⁸ This has been a recurrent

demand of the PPP leadership in Sindh, also reflected in the resolution passed

the Pakistan Rangers (Sindh) have apparently extended their operations to other

parts of Sindh too, whereas their special policing powers are only for Karachi.¹⁰ In fact, this also emanated as an official demand on part of the Director

General of the Pakistan Rangers (Sindh) Maj. Gen. Bilal Akbar, who stated that

‘peace is not possible without an action in other cities of Sindh…

we are considering it as per the law’.¹¹ However, the PPP leadership has desisted from accepting this demand, as

reflected in the notification issued on August 03, 2016, maintaining that there

is no need to extend the special policing powers to the rest of the province,

since the Rangers are free to carry out raids, however, in accompaniment of

the Provincial Government of Sindh persists, and has often spilled out into

the media, is there any consultation and dispute resolution taking place at

mediatory role, is resorting to confrontational politics through the Ministry

of Interior which seems to have further antagonized the Provincial Government

of Sindh. The result is a never-ending media circus with all the stakeholders,

including the Provincial Government, the Federal Government and the Rangers,

communicating and advocating their viewpoint through the media, rather than

through official channels, making the critical Karachi Operation even more hostage

term extension to a post would not even be conceived as a plausible option,

let alone become a public issue. It should not even be an issue in Pakistan

where, other than those Generals usurping power, only the former COAS Gen. Ashfaq

Pervez Kiyani, got a term extension by the PPP Government in July 2010, extending

his term from 2007-2009. The matter, as bizarre as it appears as to why it had

come up in the first place, should have even rested when the COAS was quoted

as saying that he did not believe in extension and “will retire on the

issue, at least in the views of the little known political party or group called

Move On Pakistan as it put up banners across 13 major cities of Pakistan

on July 10, 2016, stating ‘Janay ki batain hui purani…. Khuda

kay liay, ab ajao!’ (Translation: The chatter regarding going is

or notoriety, when it put up a series of banners across Islamabad stating that

‘Khuda kay liay…. Janay ki batain janay do!’ (Translation:

For God’s sake-Don’t talk about going) following the COAS’

public announcement that speculations about an extension in his service are

across 13 major cities of Pakistan on July 10, 2016, stating ‘Janay ki batain

hui purani…. Khuda kay liay, ab ajao!’ (Translation: The chatter regarding going

campaign was to suggest to the Army Chief that ‘after imposing martial

across Pakistan, did not fail to catch the eye of the political parties as well.

For example, Mr. Aitzaz Ahsan of the PPP maintained that the PML-N Federal Government

itself had orchestrated the move in order to possibly convey to the masses that

there was some threat to Pakistan’s democracy, in light of planned protests

by the opposition parties regarding Panama Leaks. The Federal Minister for Information,

Senator Pervez Rashid, on the other hand maintained that any talk about an extension

in tenure of the Army Chief General Raheel Sharif ‘amounted to undermining

his tenure, and it is not appropriate to talk on this issue’.¹⁴ The DG ISPR, Lt. Gen. Asim Saleem Bajwa, also issued a tweet on July 12,

2016 stating that ‘Reference Posters with #COAS

These do not just run contrary to an established system, but also convey to

the outside world that the institution and its systems are unable to continue

to perform effectively without certain individuals, thus demoralizing the very

institution. Pakistan Army, as indeed other Military Institutes, is well-known

and nationally and internationally admired and credited for well-functioning

and effective system displaying continued excellence and internal discipline.

Therefore, come November, the Prime Minister, as per the Constitution, should

appoint a new Chief of Army Staff, and as expected of his office, should do

by the section of the Turkish Armed Forces, which had instituted the failed

coup attempt on July 15, 2016 in Turkey. Many such acts of bravery have come

d’état attempt of July 15 in Turkey against the AKP-led

Government. That the attempt was carried out by a faction within the Turkish

Armed Forces, and not of the entire Military, led to, in part, and gratefully

for that, its failure. But most heroic, exemplary and most auspicious for a

democratic Turkey has been the power of the people in Turkey that stopped the

onslaught of the coup by their struggle in the streets of Turkey against it

of secularism, the elimination of democratic rule, a disregard for human

rights, and Turkey’s loss of credibility in the international arena as reasons

have accused the coup leaders of being linked to the Gülen

movement—a group now designated as a terrorist organization by the

Turkish Government. The AKP-led Government has also subsequently asked the United

States to extradite Mr. Muhammed Fethullah Gülen, 75, to

Turkey, although Mr. Gülen has denied all charges of being involved

domestically. Other than the loss of life, more than 2,100 were injured. Many

government buildings, including the Turkish Parliament and the Presidential

Palace, were damaged. Mass arrests followed, with at least 6,000 detained, including

at least 2,839 soldiers and 2,745 judges. 15,000 education staff was also suspended

and the licenses of 21,000 teachers working at private institutions were revoked

as well after the Government alleged they were loyal to Mr. Gulen. Since July

22, 2016, Emergency has been imposed in Turkey with the approval of the Turkish

Parliament, after which the Cabinet will have the power to issue decrees that

has seen that as the resistance against the coup was unprecedented, so has been

attempt, many have blamed Mr. Erdogan for his increasingly autocratic style

and policies. Heavy-handed dealing with opposition and protesters and curbs

on Turkish traditional and social media are cited as key examples in this regard.

The AKP-led Government has also recently introduced religion as a compulsory

subject in educational institutions, changin